Bahima and culture
Bahima and culture: Who are the East African Hima People? In the Great Lakes region of Eastern Africa, the Hima name is linked to a number of ethnic groups and political institutions. The term “Hima” refers to a subgroup of the Tutsi, who were originally Cushite from the Ethiopian highlands and may have arrived in the region around the 1300s.
According to some historians, the name Hima is also connected to a Nilotic people who traveled through Uganda on the Nile after leaving the Sudan. In what is now southwest Uganda and the neighboring region of Zaire, they subjugated the Bantu people. They adopted the local Bantu language after being assimilated by the Bantu people. The main way to identify them in the language is by their name.
In Ankole, Uganda, there is a tribe known as the Hima (Bahima). According to ethnologies, the Hima speech is categorized as a Nyankore (Nkore/Nkole) dialect. However, according to the ethnologists, this speech form “may be a separate language.” The relationship between Hima speakers and other Nyankore dialects is probably the same as that between Bantu Hutus speaking Rundi/Rwanda and Cushite Tutsi speakers. Tanzania’s Hima region is not listed. The Hima seem to be restricted to the region where they were first settled.
There has long been secrecy around Bahima’s past. The explanation for the riddle comes from John Hanning Speke, who claimed in 1863 that the Wahuma (Bahima) were white people who were more civilized than Black or Negroes and who had come to Uganda from Ethiopia, which was ruled by white people. Other Europeans stated that the Bahima were born to reign and had great intelligence and attributes. These opinions were held by colonial explorers, missionaries, and officials in Uganda, including Samuel Baker, John Roscoe, and Harry Johnston. They gave Bahima credit based only on their physical similarities to white people, including their long, pointed, narrow, and pointy noses.
In order to use these characteristics and maintain their dominance over other Ugandans, the Bahima have concealed their actual past of living in a hazardous nomadic lifestyle and without financial prosperity. Let’s grasp this before trying to deconstruct the myth:
The cousins Bahima, Batutsi, Bahororo, and Banyamulenge share three key traits. (1) They take on local names and languages whenever they relocate, (2) they subjugate the native population, and (3) their men only marry members of their own ethnic group. In order to keep their secrets about controlling them secret, they do the latter to prevent others from learning about it. However, in order to gain access to their political and other secrets or to win over males to the Bahima side, they urge their ladies (apart from those in the ruling class) to marry elites from other ethnic groups.
Speke claims that Bahima traversed the interior after leaving Ethiopia or Abyssinia and finally crossed the Nile into Bunyoro. They changed their national identity to Wahuma, lost their religion, and forgot their language, but they still have a unique traditional story about being half Black and half White in Bunyoro. To put it another way, when Bahima met Speke, all they could recall was that they were formerly white.
The race of Bahima is the subject of the second demystification. Many continue to use the aforementioned physical characteristics as proof that they are white, albeit mostly subtly. Additionally, they continue to maintain that they are smarter than other Ugandans, have more attractive women, and are lighter-skinned with thinner lips. You only need to take a random sample to verify that they are, in fact, darker and have bigger lips than Bantu. You will be able to tell who is lighter and has thinner lips. When it comes to women, beauty is subjective, and this issue should end there.
The Bahima are claiming that they are descended from white Bachwezi rather than black Nilotic Luos in order to maintain their “white” origin and reject their Nilotic Luo heritage, adding that the Basoga are Luos. However, this is also a problem. First of all, Bachwezi were Black people, not white. Bahima has had a very hard time establishing any kind of relationship with Bachwezi thus far.
The Hima people’s Nyankole cows in Uganda
The Bachwezi were an offshoot of the established Bantu population, according to researchers, who started to prioritize herding. By the time they reached the Bigo site, mixed farmers who were experts in cow herding had taken over the oldest sites, according to chronological examinations of earthen structures in western Uganda, proving that the inhabitants were Bantu.
To retain political dominance over Bantu, especially Bairu and Bahutu, the Bahima have persisted in exploiting their mystical ties to the semi-divine Bachwezi. This Hamitic myth has a long and persistent history; in fact, the idea that the pastoralist [Bahima] aristocracy had a distinct origin and are superior to the farmers in the lake region still exists today.
Hima Women
Since they are neither light-skinned, more brilliant, superior, or born to govern, Bahima and their cousins should abandon the notion that they are. The administrations of Rwanda since 1994 and Uganda since 1986 have provided ample evidence that they are not born leaders. The superior civilization of Bahima in Uganda is the subject of the third demystification. Europeans came to the conclusion that Bahima brought material culture and civilization to Uganda from outside due to prejudice toward Black people.
When the two groups met in the lakes region, the Bantu had a more developed culture than the Bahima and Batutsi. Let’s sum up by saying that everyone wants to coexist in dignity, prosperity, safety, and peace. Article II of the 1948 Universal Declaration of Human Rights, which declares that “All human beings are born free and equal in dignity and rights and endowed with reason and conscience and should act towards one another in a spirit of brotherhood,” should be the focus of our attention rather than ethnic differences.
Denying these liberties and rights leads to opposition becoming stronger, which is what is happening in the Great Lakes Region. It won’t go away until we truly apply, embrace, and approve Article II, as mentioned above.
Tutsi and Bahima
Most people believe that the Tutsi are from northeastern Africa and have Cushite ancestry. Nilotic has been linked by certain academics. The Nilotic and Cushite elite classes may have been more closely related throughout the years due to their comparable circumstances. The Tutsi-Hima people today seem to be so closely related that they can be regarded as a one class despite the wide range of speech in the many political divisions of the Lakes Region. They have very similar Bantu speech patterns.
Getting ready to marry into the Bahima
They used sticks and grass to build round houses. Even while gathering all the building materials probably took a Muhima less than half a day, it still took considerable expertise, and the hut could last for many years. The Bahima have long resided in communal quarters that were mostly centered around the family head’s hut. They primarily contain two large rooms, one of which is used for sleeping and the other for various purposes.
The interior of the hut was customized to fit the preferences of various families. A Muhima bride-to-be was housed in similar huts. For the prospective bride, an addition known as ekitu was occasionally built. Men used a woman’s size to determine how appealing she was. It’s best if the woman is obese. The bride was also fattened to give the appearance that she was from a wealthy household. It was also an indication of health.
A young woman is still prepped for marriage in ways that will undoubtedly make her fat. In the past, only the bride’s immediate family was allowed to see her during that fattening phase.
The Bahima people’s origins
The western Ugandan cattle-keeping group is particularly well-known for their unusual bond with their animals. Anthropologists categorize them as “Hamiticized Negro cattle people of North Africa origin.” According to their cattle and human genetics, they most likely share a Central Saharan ancestry with the Batusti of Rwanda. Their traditional marriages have endured despite the inflow of foreign cultures and religious influences. Due in large part to the elders’ continued emphasis on the importance of cultural marriages, the Bahima still enjoy performing their traditional nuptials.
The selection of partners was dictated by prohibitions and personal preferences. Families took kinship, wealth, and caste into consideration while selecting a mate. For instance, it has always been forbidden for a Muhima to wed a Mwiru due to the caste distinction. Only a man and a woman who were both members of the governing Bahima at the time could get married in a way that was accepted by society.
A Muhima is prohibited by kingship laws from marrying the daughters of his mother’s sisters and the brothers of his father. Cross-cousin marriage was allowed, nevertheless. The wife’s primary responsibility was to have children. Consequently, a man made an effort to get a wife from a household where ladies were abundant.
Choosing a future spouse from the Bahima tribe
For the Bahima, choosing a prospective wife was a challenging and fascinating task. In our culture, neither the girl nor the boy had the opportunity to choose their spouse, which may seem odd to you now. It was common practice for the boy’s and girl’s parents to plan the marriage, sometimes without the parties’ knowledge.
The reason for this was because Bahima girls were not allowed to go alone. You never really got to see a Muhima girl because she was constantly covered, and whenever she moved, she was always with her siblings. The girls would hide themselves if you were to visit them. When they were young, most individuals were aware that there were attractive girls in a household. And when she was six or seven years old, they would begin courting her.
The groom’s family would send an emissary to convey a message to the prospective bride’s family when she was identified. Kyebembera or Kateerarume was the name of the messenger.
The Bahima people’s bride price deposit
The messenger had to be someone both families knew well. The boy’s family would leave several cows at the girl’s house if the message was well received, which was typically the case since parents wanted to see their daughters get married. They were referred to as enkwatarugo, or “kraal-keeping” cows. They demonstrated your seriousness about getting married to the girl. They represented wealth as well.
Above all, the girl was to be fed by the cows until she was ready to marry, which was typically when she was sixteen. In order to “tie down” the young girl and deter other suitors, the four cows were also deployed as security. According to tradition, the enkwatarugo cows would be given back to the suitor’s family after the daughter reached adulthood. That being said, the bride’s family kept the cows’ offspring.
Negotiations on the bride price would then begin between the two families. Once an agreement was reached, the bride’s family would decide when to pick the cattle. The best cattle from the groom’s or his family’s herd would be hand-picked by the bride’s people on that particular day. However, some families would conceal the healthiest cows because they were afraid of losing their best cows. In order to find the best cows, the girl’s people occasionally sent spies earlier.
Traditionally, if a girl’s older sister or sisters were still single, she could not be given for marriage. It is stated that the girl’s parents, like the father-in-law Laban in the biblical Jacob story, would sway events and give away the older daughter rather than the younger one if a marriage offer was made for the younger sister.
The cost of the bride in the event that the boy’s family is impoverished among the Bahima of Uganda
The suitor would lay claim to a girl by smearing her with butter if he was impoverished and lacked cows for enkwatarugo (marriage payment). This practice was called ousigyiro. However, the male and woman’s shared desire was necessary for this act to be performed correctly. It was the man’s job to catch the girl and cover her whole body with butter! The woman then went to tell her parents what had transpired.
The young couple’s intimacy was thought to be nearly as intimate as that which resulted from their premarital sex. Given that she had met the man in secret, it became clear that the woman was eager to wed him! Orusigyiro was not, however, generally practiced. There was frequently excitement when your father revealed that your prospective wife had been identified. Who is this woman—my prospective spouse? How does she appear? Young women would frequently hide in the bush to get a glimpse of the future wife. However, you would be subject to a hefty fine if you were caught in the act.
The Bahima people of Uganda participate in the Okujugisa ceremony.
In the Bahima tradition of marriage, this is a very significant occasion. Ten cattle are chosen from the herdsman’s kraal by the bride’s family when he gets married. Men from the bride’s and groom’s sides compete with one another during the wedding by reciting poems and having clever debates.
They occasionally got into heated arguments that led to fights. However, the cattle would ultimately still be chosen, and a time would be set for the bride’s family to receive them from the groom’s family. Following okujugisa, the bride is prepared for okuhingira, or the give-away ritual, which starts the fattening phase.
Gain weight quickly among Uganda’s Bahima people.
The girl was sent to her grandmother to start the fattening procedures as soon as the cattle for the bride price were chosen from the groom’s kraal (Okujugisa). The task of fattening the girl was also taken up by one of the aunts, either maternal or paternal. They would occasionally bring her to their houses and fatten her there. A variety of well-polished and smoked ebyaanzi (milk gourds) in various hues made up the fattening implements.
She would spend months—up to six months in some cases—eating and not doing any strenuous labor with the fattening specialist. She would be persuaded to drink various types of milk, such as thick fermented milk (amakamo) and amashunu (unfermented milk). She was entrusted with devouring a giant gourd before the sun set. She was fed roasted fatty goat meat and ghee. A young woman who weighed 65 kg when she was identified for marriage may gain 160 kg in just three months with this kind of eating!
The girls didn’t like it, but they were forced to drink it while being watched by an aunt who could either cane them or chastise them by saying, “Why don’t you take the milk? Looking like a blade of grass, do you wish to go? She would grow so obese that she would barely be able to walk by the time the grandmothers and aunts finished fattening her. The young lady would be so obese that she could only waddle when she married.
In addition to being kept in the house to gain weight, it is commonly held that a lady who spent a lot of time indoors, shielded from the harsh sunshine, became more attractive.
On her wedding day, people would remark on how gorgeous she looked, approvingly pointing out the wrinkles her fat had left in her skin and how hard it was for her to walk!
Red Ants Among Uganda’s Bahima People
The bride was constantly informed of the fierce red ants that would bite her in order to terrorize her and keep her inside the house during the fattening time. The bride was instructed not to remove the fangs from her skin until she passed away after being stung by these microscopic insects!
This tradition is known as okutambuuka empanzi or okumbanda empazi. Since the bride had brought the family cows, which are seen as wealth, the goal was to make her devoted to the union.
Additionally, Okutambuuka empanzi helped ward off ill luck. Wandering outside was considered taboo since the girl might be raped or bitten by a snake. For this reason, she would not even be permitted to go get water or cut wood, which was typically placed on the floor!
The bride is on her way.
A Muhima girl who did not attend school was typically 16 years old when she married. She would spend countless hours crying in a hut with other girls before to the wedding day. You would know that someone’s daughter was about to be married off if you happened to walk by such a house and heard such sobbing. The bride would weep and cling to a pillar that held up the hut while her companions smeared her with butter to make her slick, making it difficult for the bridegroom to carry her away on the day of okuhingira. Her brothers would chastise her, beat her, and tell her to stop sobbing.
After entering the bride’s family’s kraal, the bridegroom would be led to the hut where the bride would be waiting. Then he would lead her to the visitors gathered, holding her by the right hand. One of the bride’s relatives then made a sturdy rope and tied it to one of the bride’s legs. Following the selection of sides by the bridegroom’s and bride’s clan members, a tug-of-war would ensue. Then, the bridegroom’s clan would try to take her away, while the bride’s clans would fight to keep their sister.
The bride would stand crying during this competition because she was being removed from her family and her former home. The bridegroom would be by her side the entire time, still holding her, and when the last tug went his way, he would take the rope off her ankle and whisk her off, a few yards away to a group of people who were waiting nearby with a cowhide spread out on the ground.
As the bride sat on the cowhide, the young men would lift her up and triumphantly take her to the bridegroom’s parents’ home while being pursued by friends and family.
During and after the marriage ceremony, Bahima brides used to go through several modifications. She would shave her head and pubic hair before the ceremony.
She would go back to her village a few months after the wedding to get a second haircut, have her nails done, get her ears pierced, and get jewelry put on.
The Bahima people of Uganda reward virginity.
In addition to being fed, the soon-to-be bride received guidance on marital matters in the hut. One of the individuals that served as a marriage counselor was her grandmother. However, Inshwekazi, her maternal or paternal aunts, played a major part. The father’s sister was (and still is) in charge of the teenage girl’s sexual morality among the Banyankole. It was her responsibility to teach the girl how to start a home. Especially when girls were expected to remain virgins until marriage in Ankole. Generally speaking, she had no prior marriage experience.
The Inshwekazi would reassure the soon-to-be bride that everything would be okay whenever she broke down and cried because she would be living with complete strangers. The aunt’s other responsibility was to demonstrate the bridegroom’s strength by observing or hearing the couple’s sexual interactions with her niece. A young, obese cow was given to a girl who was discovered to be a virgin.
Giving the girl a perforated coin—typically five pence of the pre-colonial East African currency—or another hollow object was one way for the girl’s parents to formally inform the husband that their daughter was not a virgin. The bride would also be given a hollow coin and respectfully requested to return it to her parents if she knew she wasn’t a virgin. But before marriage, the groom was never held responsible for his lack of chastity.
Forced marriage among Uganda’s Bahima people
A prospective bride could use okuteera oruhoko, which is forcing her to marry him quickly without much planning or permission, if she did not like the suitor. The traditional Ankole community was characterized by the practice of okuteera oruhoko, but traces of it can still be seen now. Although society disapproved of this behavior, it was widespread and frequently resulted in young men finding wives. But a large bride price has to be paid to the perpetrator.
This technique was carried out in a variety of ways;
Using a cock was one such method. A boy would grab a cock, go to the girl’s farmhouse, toss it onto the compound, and flee if he wanted to marry a girl who had turned him down.
It was thought and feared that if the cock crow appeared while the girl was still at home, refusing to follow the boy or making needless preparations, she or someone else in the family would soon perish, thus the girl had to be sent to the boy’s house right away! Another method involved applying millet flour to the girl’s face. The boy would pick some flour from the winnowing tray, which is used to catch the flour as it comes off the grinding stone, and smear it over the girl’s face if he happened to spot her grinding millet.
It was believed that any delays or excuses could lead to disaster, so the lad would flee and quick plans would be made to give him the girl. Another method of okuteera oruhuko was for the suitor to wrap a rope around the girl’s neck and then publicly declare that he had done so.
Another technique was to sprinkle milk on the girl’s face while milking her or place a plant called orwihura on her head. Only when the girl and the suitor belonged to separate clans was the latter feasible. Oruhuko was a cruel and harmful custom. Typically, it was attempted by boys who had failed at courting a virgin. Such a suitor would undoubtedly face the collective fury of the girl’s relatives if he did not have the good fortune to outrun them.
He had no means of avoiding the exorbitant bride price, even if he managed to avoid a good thrashing. The typical bride price rate would be doubled or perhaps higher for him. Furthermore, in the event that the marriage failed, the additional cattle that were invoiced were not reimbursed.